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The new national revolutionary spring

On the road


The emotional reaction is not the only explanation for our squares suddenly filling up in various European nations. In Greece, the ban on commemorating the Fallen, assassinated in 2013. In Poland, the threat of “anti-fascist” repression when the progressive coalition government is launched. In Spain, the desecration of the body and memory of José Antonio, the “ley de memoria” that prohibits remembering any Spanish work between 1936 and 1978, and finally, the agreement to form a shaky government between Sanchez and the Basque and Catalan separatists, along with secessionist hypotheses.
In Germany, the ban on laying flowers or candles for the Fallen. The fact is that it had been many years since the national-revolutionary squares were so full. If we go back in memory to when they were filled, before various groups mirrored themselves like Narcissus on social media and drowned us in it, we do not find as much emotional and non-self-referential participation. They used to parade mainly to show off, in competition with rival groups intending to crush them with numbers and image, all caught in a closed tournament of a ghetto. Now, there are noticeable unity of purpose, impersonal participation, and no barriers of acronyms. In Spain, to find such a spirit again, I have to go back at least forty years.
And what about Munich? Where. tne 9th of this month, groups of two, three, four people went to the same place at the same time for a call that we could define as religious, without knowing, perhaps, that there would be so many others from different nations gathered at the same moment for an inner imperative and without receiving summons from movements or parties.

Thanks to animal intelligence
There is another reason that accompanies the righteous emotional response of loyalty. It lies in animal intelligence that always precedes rational intelligence and develops in every kind of collective response, still not conscious of environmental stimuli.
This animal intelligence, in reaction to the failures of the “politics” of terminal right-wingers, began to produce a result that I had started to notice four or five years ago in the generational turnover. Those born from the mid-nineties onwards were forced to educate themselves, having the internet at their disposal and thus having to select references to reach a goal, without the lazy and reassuring alternative of in-place formatting, which for decades had become mostly a place of fascist consumerism, where indoctrination had assumed a sterile and superficial schematism, often distorted, in the “revolutionary” mentality of the para-state, where the “masters” were almost never disciples of anyone, much less of the necessary experiences of life and militia.
Since the movement and party politics failed to disguise their crisis,those who educated themselves in a certain direction did so step by step, without being able to pretend, otherwise, they would not have reached any goal. So when they got there, they know why, and that’s not a small thing. Moreover, not distorted by the typical arrogance of groups and packs, they did it with modesty.

Hence the concreteness and awareness
The failure of reactionary ghettos that flaunted chests inflated with air has been evident. If one is incapable of doing anything other than protesting and posing as guardians of the truth (about which one does not even inquire, if only to verify if one has understood it); if one cannot relate culturally and politically to people from positions of moral and spiritual strength and make a people with them, one becomes entangled in the apocalyptic delusions of the unyielding arteriosclerosis.
On the other hand, if one does not fear confrontation—provided it is from fixed points and with principles not to be questioned—one produces realities and facts. And now, in many European nations, there is a flourishing underground of local associations, cities, or neighborhoods that form a critical mass and operate successfully both culturally and socially. Social intervention should not be misunderstood as an imitation of Caritas but materializes in organizing support for social classes—such as, for example, the shopkeepers during the Covid in Santander—and involves local roots in indifference to electoral disputes in which, if anything, dialectical reasoning takes place in the periphery.

Consciousness and action
In other words, animal intelligence has imposed a change of perspective everywhere, which has then resulted in the acquisition, still ongoing, of political consciousness. The way of positioning oneself, acting, and interacting has become suitable for the era of the “liquid society” and post-parliamentarism. This is something that a few of us were anticipating for over twenty years and is reflected in political documents, some of which, like “Le api e i fiori” or “Aquarius,” have been studied by some of the architects of the new course, certainly in Italy, France, Spain, and Poland, and perhaps elsewhere.
But it should not be misunderstood: it was not those documents that determined their action, but it was their action that made them interested in those documents, which have value precisely for this reason: as tools suitable for the times and action, as they are always geared towards practice.
A nuanced galaxy is therefore expanding, equipped with the realism of transversality but centered humanly, emotionally, and ideally, born of a pragmatism that is not opportunistic and permeated with a hierarchy both ontological and functional and therefore not fossilized. And that is no small feat.

The Recovery of Self
In addition to effectiveness in verticality, there is a widespread awareness, at least at three levels.
The first is the abandonment of democratic prejudice, with the conviction that in the face of the deep state and lobbying, which form the backbone of a system where politicians are merely an external and conditioned covering, what matters much more than elections is the creation of autonomous powers, both local and in communication.
At the second level, there is the acknowledgment of always being in the third position. The distance between the programs of the right and political, economic, and cultural solutions that can have a strategic function is now evident. It is also noticeable that, regarding international politics, with the surprising exception of Italy where the “Mattei line” is symbolized by the flame, the left is in the more acceptable position. However, at the same time, as if witnessing a magician’s trick, concerning internal issues and “social engineering,” they are deteriorating, indecent, and must be defeated.
Finally, there is the awareness of the Idea of Europe, of literally being Europe, an ideal, indeed a faith, that has regained strength, leaving behind the dead weights of sovereigntism that can no longer counter the national-revolutionary line. Until a couple of years ago, it seemed like a dream.
In other words, we are witnessing the recovery of political categories, generally abandoned for at least forty years. However, unlike what happened in the euphoria of openness after the fall of the Wall, this does not question the ideal foundations and the tradition of national-revolutionary, which is very, very important.

The terminal right bids farewell
“A farewell to the terminal right,” I wrote a year ago. Now we can reiterate it because it is truly fading away in the face of the now natural establishment of a new—and ancient—national-revolutionary vision that is doing justice to all abominations.
Now, let’s hope for the proclaimed accelerations of Sunset Boulevard, so popular in these days when unrealized boomers, both as revolutionaries and as governing forces, try to cling to infantilisms that have now become senile in the vain illusion of floating on waves they are unable to ride.
(It refers specifically to the attempt at unity between the former mayor of Rome, Gianni Alemanno, and the communist Marco Rizzo, and, in general, to all the “rossobruni” specters).
Let them raise their voices and propose bizarre commitments for the “global South” or for the “post-ideological unity” in which they would like to embrace with other faded red boomers at the stop where, as noted by Gaber, all those who have missed the bus meet and, like them, seek new masters who don’t care about their existence.
It is not accidental that the failure of the terminal right has simultaneously produced two contrasting tendencies—one that combines historical, mythological, and doctrinal radicalization with a renewed practical vitalism, and the other that raves about forward escapes, which essentially means sideways, backward, and into nothing. It is functionally necessary that it is so because, faced with the first, a highway opens up that is already beginning to be glimpsed and that we will joyfully travel.

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