And this is a mistake we will not make!
Years and years of the alienation of society from those in power have defined the age of Post-Democracy, with at least one citizen in two becoming massively disengaged from politics, while the participation of those who remain is ensured only by habit, private interest, or rooting against someone else.
Then there is that absolute minority who devote themselves to politics as a profession, out of passion, or by disposition, but who, for several decades now, have never actually practiced real politics.
While politics floats inside a bubble of cheap demagoguery, reality is moving—in the economy, in demography, in sociology, in energy, in power relations.
Because the political class has remained stuck in a prehistoric mindset, it is unable to find the much-needed syntheses that would once again make it possible to reconcile spirit, soul, and flesh.
What interests us are the dynamics, the phenomena, that binary stupidity sees today as opposites:
what drives emancipation, rearmament, and the centralization of Europe, and what drives the removal of radical-chic absurdities and the return to normality, even elementary normality.
At the moment, these two forces appear—in the shop window, so to speak—as opposites, and this suggests that we must choose between moving forward as Europe, but behind a shameful ruling class, or accepting our historical death and our subjection to the United States and China (with Russia merely serving as the rapid-response police unit of Yalta 3.0), but without thought police anymore, at least in principle.
If we allow ourselves to be disarmed by this supposed alternative, which is suicidal either way, it is because we have lost any sense of movement, of history, of dynamics; it is because we are alienated. And it is because this very alienation expresses a form of participation that is not physical but external, based on delegation, which requires identifying with some imaginary Marvel superhero. No longer knowing how to move, how to build, how to make an impact, one is therefore forced to identify with whoever happens to be managing a process at that particular moment—not with the process itself, and even less with the prospects that can be realized through that process. This happens when one is no longer present to oneself, but lives as a spectator and as an agitated rabble on the web.
By contrast, we have always said that we will support any process that leads to the growth of Europe as a power and as an independent force
because that is what interests us, not whoever happens to be acting as the anchorman at any given moment. Whether it is Macron, Draghi, or Mickey Mouse, it makes no difference: we do not identify with individuals, nor with their ideologies, but with the Risorgimento process that is unfolding and with whatever will emerge from it.
The same applies to the dynamic of populist electoral insurrection
We know very well that very few have been able to intercept this impulse and give it a concrete and positive political direction.
We know perfectly well that at the head of this antagonism there are, for a short time—because the dynamic overwhelms them and replaces them almost every day—inept people, charlatans, and agents of others, paid both by powers hostile to Europe and by national rulers who can use them as bogeymen in order to turn the fear they inspire in half of the half of the electorate that actually votes into votes, thereby ensuring support for oligarchies without talent or substance.
We also know that the antagonistic leaders are almost all actually worse than mainstream politicians: they are blowhards, incapable of offering recipes that amount to anything more than pub banter.
But we will not make the mistake of the “sovereigntists,” prisoners of their own ineptitude and alienation, for whom it is better for Europe to collapse and become enslaved than to root for its ruling class. The problem is that these people do not play, they do not even train—they root from the sidelines. That is why they reason this way.
We will not say that gender ideology, wokeness, and the liberal imaginary are preferable simply because we do not want anything to do with a Farage or a Weidel, and so on. Precisely because we do not root from the sidelines. When we can, and where we can, we step onto the field; when we cannot, we train so that we can play—and we never do it on PlayStation.
We know perfectly well that the silent revolution now underway must end by joining these two dynamics, which today are presented as opposites. The historical task is to put forward once again a vanguard capable of achieving a synthesis and making solve and coagula breathe together.
Rest assured, this will not happen with the leaders of political correctness, nor with those of populism. Almost all of them, and their “cadres” along with them, will surely be swept away by the current.
We intend to act in the right direction, without hesitation or pause.
And we will give the current a positive vision and a positive solution, because we are in a position to do so.
