There is no denying it: the evidence of events is proving gratifying.
Not only because it confirms that our analysis and forecasts were not wrong even forty years ago, but because it demonstrates that the ruling classes’ lag behind reality has become so enormous that it has dragged them into abstract solipsism; much as, among the “oppositionists,” we have seen with the jokes of Russophilia and multipolarism. By now, they are all floating like feathers—or perhaps like some other organic matter—on the surface of a storm-tossed sea whose nature they understand nothing about.
Now that the AfD’s victory in a German state is compounded by the confirmation of France’s RN as the largest party, while in Ukraine the symbols of the past dominate both the front and people’s hearts, we are witnessing the anguished self-criticism of the radical-chic bourgeoisie, whose astonishing inadequacy is matched only by the passive, messianic triumphalism of the terminal right-wing movements, which mistake this change of pace toward the future for the beginning of the psychotic scenarios they have nurtured in their ghettos and pubs.
They have understood nothing
The former turn the analysis upside down and propose containment measures that have neither rhyme nor reason: they are reminiscent of paracetamol and “watchful waiting” in the case of Covid. The latter see in the rising tide of popular rejection the premise for the unrealistic collapse of a system which, in their minds, would then usher in a pure democracy in which everyone would happily stagnate in their own “sovereigntist” village.
It is no longer a matter of “neither the red front nor reaction,” but of “neither psychosis nor dementia.”
The progressive reactionaries (which is what the mainstream has become today) fail to understand that the rising tide of popular rejection is not due to the political and legal inability to restrain it, but to the transformation of economic and social realities and international relations which, as we predicted four decades ago, has redistributed the spoils geographically, concentrated wealth in a few hands, proletarianized people but, above all, made them petty-bourgeois—and has thus produced a social and psychological situation similar to that of the period immediately following the First World War. We were warning of this as early as 1986 and urged action in that direction in order to capitalize on it.
Today there is no psychological, nor even economic, possibility of reviving social democracy; unfettered liberalism does not generate sufficient production; communism is socioeconomically a failure and cannot survive unless financed by one of the other two capitalist systems.
What is lacking is the capacity to provide an interpretation. This is why the ruling classes of politically correct administration are both powerless and enraged: but a fever cannot be suppressed.
They will survive as long as the popular alternative fails to produce ruling classes capable of providing answers and achieving syntheses
In the meantime, the system will function like a great stomach, without being fundamentally challenged, but with continuous processes of adjustment. Something like what happened in France from 1789 to Napoleon. Probably—but this is not certain—without guillotines.
There is almost no capacity to articulate visions and produce political personalities within the populist front, which has grown accustomed to living off the rents of the situation but is now being called upon to prove what it is worth. The only time it was put to the test, with Italy’s Five Star–League “yellow-green” government, it demonstrated that it could make one long even for the ruling classes currently in the saddle. The gap that must be bridged in order to offer something to what voters are confusedly asking for is stratospheric.
And that is why hopes must not be delegated to the representatives—terribly accidental, ephemeral and interchangeable, just as during the French Revolution—of populism and sovereigntism. Instead, one must ride the tiger and regenerate the social fabric of the people in preparation for the Synthesis.
I refer once again to my political document, which points to a path and a compass, and whose English version will be released next week.